Review of Sociology as an Academic Discipline

Description of an academic discipline. Sociology is, in the broadest sense, the study of human interactions as well as social trends and phenomena that impact behaviors of individuals. (Dressler, 1973) It is generally classified as one of the social sciences along with economics, psychology, and anthropology and was established as a subject in the late 18th century.Karl Marx, the founder of modern Communism, succeeded in stimulating the general public’s interest in the subject more than anyone else even though he lived and wrote in a period before Sociology became fully recognized as an academic discipline. Scientific approach of sociology is vastly influenced by the fact that people are able to exist only in groups. In this sense, the focus of the sociologist’s attention is group behavior. The following is a brief example.While most individuals of the western world are convinced they are free to make choices for themselves and that no one is allowed to dictate their li ves, in reality following general behavioral trends is a natural aspect of belonging to a society. For instance, the trend of lifelong career development has caused millions of women to choose—often unintentionally—career over full reproductive potential (Hilgeman & Butts, 2009).Commonsense ideas and explanations represent a form of social perspective since they claim to represent the things that â€Å"everyone knows† about the social world and human behavior. These ideas, whatever they may be, are not necessarily incorrect, but they do tend to have one characteristic that sets them apart from sociological forms of knowledge, namely that commonsense ideas are simply assumed to be true. Sociological knowledge, however, has greater validity than most forms of commonsense knowledge because it has been carefully tested.To put the matter differently, sociologists try to base their statements about human behavior on evidence rather than simple assumption. To do so , they apply systematic ways of studying social behavior like questionnaires, observations and experiments. References: 1. Dressler, D. (1973). Sociology: The study of human interaction (2nd ed. ). 2. Hilgeman, C. , and Butts, T. (2009). Women’s employment and fertility: A welfare regime paradox [Electronic version]. Social Science Research, 38(1), 103-117. Accessed October 14, 2012.

History of TV Broadcasting Essay

1950s During the 1950s, the University of Santo Tomas and Feati University were experimenting with television. UST demonstrated its home-made receiver, while Feati opened an experimental television station two years later. On October 23, 1953, the Alto Broadcasting System (ABS), the forerunner of ABS-CBN, made its first telecast as DZAQ-TV Channel 3. The ABS offices were then located along Roxas Blvd. ABS was owned by Antonio Quirino, brother of former president Elpidio Quirino. Consequently, the first telecast was that of a party at the owner’s residence, earning Elpidio Quirino the honor of being the first Filipino to appear on television. The station operated on a four-hours-a-day schedule (6-10PM), covering only a 50-mile radius. ABS was later sold to the Lopez family, who later transformed it into ABS-CBN By 1957, the Chronicle Broadcasting Network (CBN), owned by the Lopez family, operated two TV stations–DZAQ Channel 3 and DZXL-TV Channel 9. 1960s By 1960, a third station was in operation, DZBB-TV Channel 7, or, the Republic Broadcasting System. It was owned by Bob Stewart, a long-time American resident in the Philippines who also started with radio in 1950. RBS started with only 25 employees, a surplus transmitter, and two old cameras. During this time, the most popular horror series on Philippine television was Gabi ng Lagim. In 1961, the National Science Development Board was established. It was behind the earliest initiative to use local TV for education, â€Å"Education on TV† and â€Å"Physics in the Atomic Age.† In 1963, RBS TV Channel-7 Cebu was inaugurated The Metropolitan Educational Association (META), in cooperation with the Ateneo Center for Television Closed Circuit Project, produced television series in physics, Filipino, and the social sciences which were broadcast in selected TV stations and received by participating secondary schools. The META team was headed by Leo Larkin, S.J., with Josefina Patron, Florangel Rosario, Lupita Concio and Maria Paz Diaz as members. The project lasted from 1964 to 1974. By 1966, the number of privately owned TV channels was 18; ABS-CBN was the biggest network by the time Martial Law was declared. By 1968, the daily television content consisted mostly of canned programs; only 10% of programs was locally produced. The same year, ABS-CBN provided Filipinos with a live satellite feed of the Mexico Olympics. Filipino audiences also saw the Apollo 11 landing live in 1969. 1970s During Martial Law, Ferdinand Marcos ordered the closure of all but three television stations: channels 9 and 13 were eventually controlled by then Ambassador Roberto Benedicto, and Bob Stewart’s Channel 7 was later allowed to operate with limited three-month permits. ABS-CBN was seized from the Lopez family, and Eugenio Lopez Jr., then president of the network, was imprisoned. In 1973, the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster sa Pilipinas (KBP) was organized to provide a mechanism for self-regulation in the broadcast industry. By the latter part of 1973, Channel 7 was heavily in debt and was forced to sell 70% of the business to a group of investors, who changed the name from RBS to Greater Manila Area (GMA) Radio Television Arts. Stewart was forced to cede majority control to Gilberto Duavit, a Malacaà ±ang official, and RBS reopened under new ownership, with a new format as GMA-7. When the smoke cleared, the viewer had channels 2, 9, 13, run by Benedicto; Duavit’s 7; and 4, which belonged to the Ministry of Information. When DZXL-TV Channel 9 of CBN was sold to Roberto Benedicto, he changed the name from CBN to KBS, Kanlaon Broadcasting System. So when a fire destroyed the KBS television studios in Pasay, the people of Benedicto took over the ABS-CBN studios on Bohol Avenue, Quezon City. His employees moved in, and by August 1973, KBS was broadcasting on all ABS-CBN channels. A year later, Salvador â€Å"Buddy† Tan, general manager of KBS, reopened Channel 2 as the Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). The two Benedicto stations–KBS Channel 9 and BBC Channel 2—mainly aired government propaganda. 1980s In 1980, Channels 2, 9, and 13 moved to the newly-built Broadcast City in Diliman, Quezon City. In 1980, Gregorio Cendaà ±a was named Minister of Information. GTV Channel 4 became known as the Maharlika Broadcasting System. When Benigno Aquino was assassinated in 1983, it was a small item on television news. GMA Channel 7 gave the historic funeral procession 10 seconds of airtime. In 1984, Imee Marcos, daughter of Ferdinand Marcos, attempted to take over GMA Channel 7, just as she did with the Benedictos. However, she was foiled by GMA executives Menardo Jimenez and Felipe Gozon. On February 24, 1986, MBS Channel 4 went off the air during a live news conference in Malacaà ±ang and during an exchange between Marcos and then Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver. The network was eventually taken over by rebel forces and started broadcasting for the Filipino people. On September 14, 1986, ABS-CBN Channel 2 made a comeback and resumed broadcasting after 14 years. On Novermber 8, 1988, GMA inaugurated the â€Å"Tower of Power,† its 777-feet, 100kW transmitter, the country’s tallest man-made structure. In 1988, PTV Channel 4, then MBS, was launched as â€Å"The People’s Station.† 1990s In the 1990s ABS-CBN launched the Sarimanok Home Page, the station’s Web presence, making it the first Philippine network on the Internet. On February 21, 1992, ABC Channel 5 reopened with a new multi-million-peso studio complex in Novaliches. By 1996, 89% of Filipinos and 57% of Philippine households watched television 6-7 days a week. In 1997, the Children’s Television Act (RA8370), providing for the creation of a National Council for Children’s Media Education, was passed. By 1997, 57% of Filipino households had at least one television. 100% of those in class AB had televisions, as opposed to only 4% in class E. In 1997, the Mabuhay Philippines Satellite Corporation successfully launched Agila II, the country’s first satellite. By 1998, there were 137 television stations nationwide.

Merketing Segmentation of The Food Industry Essay

Merketing Segmentation of The Food Industry - Essay Example Markets have always been segmented and products have been differentiated on the basis of the ways in which suppliers have applied different techniques of competing in the market. The crucial evidence for the above aspect collected in recent times is that researchers have been using behavioural and economic theories along with sophisticated analytical techniques for identifying the various market segments and opportunities for product differentiation. The concepts of market segmentation and product differentiation have been discussed in literature for long. Shaw (1912) has described the strategy of market segmentation and product differentiation as that of trying to cater to human needs and wants more accurately than competition. The result of market segmenting and product differentiating is the creation of a potential which attains a price level which is higher than prevailing stock commodity. Researchers have identified the recent changes in the market environment of firms which hav e presented with new opportunities and chances of further segmentation of the market. However, the aspect of the possibilities of identifying the groups of customers as individual segments in the market in reality is an empirical one. Researchers are of the opinion that if it is possible to segment the market into individual and homogeneous segments, market segmentation could be effective only if the manageability and efficiencies of the marketing activities could be substantially influenced by the distinguishing and different groups of customers (Wedel & Kamakura, 2000, p.4). Globalization and technological advancement across the world along with fresh new developments have provided marketers with in-depth information regarding the actual behaviour of customers and having direct access to such information through database marketing or demographic segmentation (Wedel & Kamakura, 2000, p.4). As a consequent of this, the marketers have been found to be focussing more on the small segm ents using concepts like direct marketing and micro marketing approaches. However on account of globalization, the leading multi product manufacturers have been looking at the global markets beyond the geographical boundaries (Yankelovich, 1964). It is seen that if the various market segments respond to the marketing efforts they are considered to be responsive to the segmentation strategies. Responsiveness accounts for the success factor for any market segmentation strategy. Mere response from the segments to the advertising

Congressional District Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Congressional District - Assignment Example According to Congressman Jose Serrano, the people in Bronx have been hit hard by the recession and are going hungry. According to Congressman Serrano, who represents the 16th Congressional district of New York â€Å"This is a crisis that I intend to confront head on. We cannot accept food insecurity in the wealthiest city in the wealthiest nation in the world.†. Bronx is a popular but often misunderstood neighborhood in New York. The difference between the haves and the have-nots is the most stark in these sort of neighborhoods. In the year 2000, this district was the poorest congressional district in the 435 districts in the U. S. A. It has a rich historical heritage. It is here that Edgar Allen Poe spent more than four years and a cottage named after him is a popular tourist destination. Bronx Zoo, The Bronx County Historical Society, Bronx Museum of Arts and the Yankee Stadium are the other places to visit. The demographics of 16th congressional district in New York The dat a gathered from 2010 census regarding state of New York is not available. It will be made available prior to April 1, 2011. The figures in this paper relate to data gathered earlier. According to the 2000 census, the total population of the district was 654360 of which there were 304,203 male. The Median Age in years was 27.5 and the highest percent (65.5%) of population was between the ages of 18 and 65 years, totaling 428,285. The total number of Black or African American people was 235,419 to that of White being 133,649. American Indian and Alaska Natives were 7,664 whereas the smallest number in the population data is the population of Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander at 810. The number of people of two or more races was 42,883. The number of males above the age of 15 and married was 75,560 and that of the females was 74,601, not counting the persons who were separated from their spouses. The household population was 637, 081 and the number of group quarters population was 17, 279. According to the 2010 Census, of the total population of 350,876 of persons above the age of 25 years, 50.5 per cent were High school graduates or higher and 7.8 per cent had bachelor’s degree or higher education. The median household income in 2009 inflation adjusted dollars was $23,073 as compared to that of the U. S. A. being $ 51,425. The ratio of per capita income at $ 12,029 to $ 27,041 of the U. S. A. was better progression as the figures in 1999 were $9803 and $21,587 respectively. The data collected by the American Community Survey also shows that 36.8 per cent of the families in this area live below poverty level as compared to that of the U. S. A. being 9.9 per cent. Individuals below poverty line make up 39.2 per cent as compared to 13.5 per cent of the U. S. A. The number of householders living alone is 62,123 where the average family size is 3.64. A total of 14,198 persons live in their unmarried partners house. There were 119,835 males ovewr 15 ye ars of age who had never married, and the females were 130,830. The figures for school enrollment shows that 219,432 persons above the age of 3 years have enrolled in school of which 53,511 were studying High school and 41,268 were studying college or graduate school. Of the population of persons 25 years and over, 27,915 had bachelor’s degree, while 11,185 had graduate or professional degree college rates, household data (i.e. head of

Foundation of European Union Law (Sovereignty of Parliamnent) Essay

Foundation of European Union Law (Sovereignty of Parliamnent) - Essay Example When it joined the European Community, many of the sovereign rights were transferred to the Union. The treaties of European Community and European Union do not have a specific legal base, require or order supremacy of Community Law, but some articles of Community Law clearly imply supremacy. For some specific articles and areas of its treaties and policies, the European Community required transfer or limiting of the sovereignty rights of its Member States to the Community. Some legal matters were completely controlled by the states themselves were no more under their control. (Cuthbert. pp 36-37. 2003) The sources of European Community law, which are its treaties, do not contain any mention of any relationship or prioritizing between the European Union and the national laws. For Monists states this was not a problem as for them all law is equal. One such Monist State is the France where there was no discrimination between the European Community law and the national law. As long as the procedures of constitution are followed, the national courts can make use of the international treaties. On the other hand, for a dualist state like UK there is difference between the national law and international law. For such countries, the national courts cannot apply the international law and treaty but only through domestic legislation. (Cuthbert. pp 36-37. 2003) For the EC treaty to be applied it has to be first made a part of the domestic law. In United Kingdom the EC treaty was incorporated by the European Communities Act 1972 especially ss 2 and 3. The incorporation still does not mean that the issue of prioritizing has been resolved. (Cuthbert. pp 36-37. 2003) The parliamentary sovereignty is the long-established formulation according to which the parliament has the right to make or unmake any law and power to do anything than to bind itself for the future. In case there is a clash between a present and a past custom then the present one has

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Essay

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change - Essay Example Professor Timothy Francis Ball is one of the most prominent names amongst the people that are against the theory of occurrence of global warming. Initially Dr. Timothy used to completely disagree with the concept of current occurrence of global warming, but as the results got more accurate and more funds were allotted to research on the intensity of warming, the professor stated that he never questioned the occurrence of global warming, but only the reasons for such climatic changes, which he firmly believes are not human-induced (Ottawa Citizen). Later on, the professor changed his stance once more and argued that the climate is cooling down since the 40s’ as satellite imaging shows cooling in certain areas. (Ball)   Dr. Timothy’s philosophies were hyped after he received several death threats on his e-mail account after he appeared in a documentary film which tried to convey that global warming is a hoax (Ingraham 280); but the e-mail threat is quite dubious as the professor never reported it to authorities and only claimed that he had received such threats; which gives rise to a speculation that this was possibly a strategy to increase the sales of the movie.   Dr. Robert Carter, another prominent geologist, states that figures of IPCC show no increase in â€Å"human-induced† warming since the late 90s’ and rejects the warnings issued by the IPCC in the matter. The claim by the doctor is highly dubious as the results do indeed show a steady increase in the rising in carbon emissions, and hence the correlation amongst carbon emissions and warming could not be rejected. (Carter)   

Communal Supportive Action Theory Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Communal Supportive Action Theory - Assignment Example The initial part of the theory describes how people with measurable approach calculate their actions to benefit them self only, but they suffer long-term loneliness, lack of support and pleasure and disheveled reputation eventually. On the other hand, considerate individuals take a course of action which is less beneficial for them, but more beneficial towards larger humanity then they would earn long-term support, respect, a fiscal and sentimental advantage over the former one. The ‘Communal Supportive Action’ theory entails the idea of pleasantly surviving and sustaining in a society. This theory lays stress on the fact that individuals neither live alone nor their actions impact less. Hence, if they take actions according to their ease, preference, and lifestyle they would be withholding the notion of communal advantage. For instance, if garbage is thrown out of a house and dumped in a street, the trash would make the passage narrow, would produce long-term detrimental effects (health), would make a good home for pests and rats, would make the area look dirty and that would automatically evaluate the community. These self-centered actions are taken on the bases of personal priorities (shortage of time, lack of strength to walk the extra mile, lack of sense of cleanliness and lack of respect for others living in the surrounding). If one assesses the abovementioned theory with regard to objective approach then one realizes that Welfares, NGO’s, non-profitable organizations, religious and community beneficial services always concentrate on larger good instead of personal ones. Moreover, if individuals focus on their preferences then they attain short-term benefit and lack of dignity in the society as well.

Exploring current government policy on improving the nations health Essay

Exploring current government policy on improving the nations health through the change for life campaign - Essay Example There are six healthy behaviors that people are encouraged to adopt through this particular public health crusade. The first one is the 5 A day call, which gives suggestions on how to eat the recommended five portions of healthy vegetables and fruits every day (Change4Life, 2015). The second component is advice on reducing the amount of salt intake per day. The campaign also encourages sugar swaps by giving vital information on the sugar content of various foods as well as the available alternatives. The other aspects are cutting down on alcohol consumption, cutting back on fats and leading an active life. The message is spread through different avenues with the TV and online advertising being the major channels (Change4Life TV commercials, 2009). The integrated approach adapted in the campaign also allows for the use of radios, social media and the direct marketing channels. Dealing with obesity requires behavior change in terms of the kind of food one takes and the lifestyle that an individual leads (Department of Health, 2004). Britt, Hudson & Blampied (2004) point out that behavior is a product of both individual and collective action and plays a central role in the health of the public. This is the reason why lifestyle risks have for a long time been considered to be the leading cause of morbidity and deaths in various nations (Sweney, 2008). In order to deal with obesity, which is a lifestyle health condition, the policy was created based on the transtheoretical model. Kemm (2015) states that this model takes change of behavior to be an ongoing cycle rather than the final state. During the process of change, individuals may relapse in the initial stages though this does not mean that they have to start all over again. The model, therefore, describes the individuals in terms of the progress they make in series of behavior states and in relation to o ther dimensions (Michie & Johnston, 2012). Its use in the drive has been effective in

Anesthesia and Awake Craniotomy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5000 words

Anesthesia and Awake Craniotomy - Essay Example Such recording is termed electrocorticography (ECoG). The use of ECoG allows a "topographical map" to be made of the brain. This map shows the locations of primary and secondary epileptogenic discharges, as well as the route and extent of the spread of such electrical activity. [3, 4, 5 and 6] At our institution, patients undergoing craniotomy while awake usually have a tumor or epileptic foci removed. Patients who undergo the removal of a tumor close to a motor, speech, or sensory area generally are awake before resection is begun so that neurological function can be tested.[7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12] In these patients, ECoG is not usually performed. However, other physiological monitoring, such as sensory evoked responses (SER) and/or electromyography (EMG), may be used. [13] Patients who undergo removal of an epileptic focus in the brain are also generally awake for neurological function testing. In addition, ECoG is almost always performed. Awake testing includes some or all of the following: immediate and/or delayed memory, association, and/or pattern discrimination of words and/or pictures, and other related tests.[14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19] Awake testing may also include motor movement in response to electrical stimulation, voluntary motor movement, muscle strength, and other related tests. [20] These tests are often complex and subtle, and require that the patient's consciousness not be impaired by anesthetic or other drugs. The other types of monitoring that may be performed include ECoG, SER, and/or EMG. These modalities are all impaired in a dose-related manner by many anesthetic drugs. Clearly, if the aforementioned testing is to be used, the interference of anesthetic drugs is not wanted.[21 and 22] Our approach to anesthetic management for awake craniotomies has evolved over more than 30 years in cooperation with surgeons at our institution internationally known for their work in this area. The approach we use today is an improvement over the one we used decades ago and, no doubt, the approach we will use several decades from now will be different than the one we use today. The follow sections describe our current guidelines. Guidelines for awake craniotomy Goals At each stage of the procedure, our management goals are tailored to the specific needs at that stage. One of the rather alarming aspects of our approach is that even though the patient is anesthetized for parts of the procedure that don't require the patient to be awake, we do not secure the airway with a laryngeal mask airway (LMA), endotracheal tube, or similar device. Thus, one of our goals is careful monitoring of the airway to prevent undetected airway obstruction. A large proportion of the patients undergoing awake craniotomy at our institution have epilepsy that is not controllable with drug therapy. In such patients, seizures may occur during surgery. Thus, a second goal of anesthetic management is prompt treatment of grand mal seizures. The knowledge of being awake and under surgical drapes while their brain is being operated on concerns many patients. Thus, a third goal of anesthet

Sense and Essay Essay Example for Free

Sense and Essay Essay Copy down at least three descriptions that connect to at least three of the following senses: a. visualb. tastec. hearingd. touch e. smell 3. Write down the author’s main point. Actually copy his main point from the essay so I can see that you see his thesis. 4. What are five words (diction) that you find interesting that the author uses to describe anything in the essay? Explain each word in a sentence that tells me why you think the word is interesting. 5. Why does the author compare the farm to a boat? Why do you like this or not. Explain in two sentences. . Explain why you would or would not like to be a part of the scene the author describes. Provide one quote/description that you like and explain why you like it. OR provide one quote/description you dislike, explain why you dislike it, and then rewrite it so that it is better in your opinion. 7. Then write a descriptive essay that models â€Å"Summer Wind† using ONE of the following two prompts. The essay should be at least ONE page long.   Writing Prompt One: Think of a force of nature that you have experienced. Write your own essay that completely describes the scene and how it affected you. Possible suggestions are these: a. An ice stormb. A floodc. A tornadod. A hurricane e. A riptide in the oceanf. A thunderstormg. A snowstormh. A heat wave Writing Prompt Two: The author of â€Å"Summer Wind† describes a quiet day in the life of his farm that he both enjoys and savors. Think about your own experiences and a quiet day that gave you pleasure. When finished with the essay, complete the following procedure with your essay: 1. Circle the images/descriptions that appeal to EACH of the five senses and label each sense visual, hearing, taste, touch, or smell. 2. Underline the main point you are trying to make in your essay; that is, underline the one sentence or two that tells me what you want to say or mean in your essay, the thesis. Name:_______________________________Date:________________Period:____ 0th Grade Literature and Composition (Periods 1, 3, 4, 6 7) Write the following assignment on loose leaf paper and then staple it to this sheet. This assignment needs to be completed by the end of the period. Carefully read the essay titled â€Å"Retreat into the iWorld† and answer the questions below: 1. Where does the author use a â€Å"story† or personal narrative? Where does the author get personal about his life? Copy down the first three words of the sentence of where he begins to do so and copy down the last three words of where the â€Å"story† ends. 2. Copy down the main point of the essay, Technology promises to make our lives easier, freeing up time for leisure pursuits. But the rapid pace of technological innovation and the split-second processing capabilities of computers that can work virtually nonstop have made all of us feel rushed. We have adopted the relentless pace of the very machines that were supposed to simplify our lives, with the result that, whether at work or play, people do not feel like their lives have changed for the better. Adapted from Karen Finucan, Life in the Fast Lane Assignment: Do technological changes that make our lives easier not necessarily make them better? Two pages. Prompt Two Many rare inventions or technical devices have drawbacks, major and minor. Think about an electronic device or innovation that is now available. Choose one and analyze its positive and negative effects. Once you have thought about both the positive and negative effects, choose a side for the following question: â€Å"Technology: harmful or helpful? You decide† Now write your essay, two pages. Some suggested technological products are camera phones, iPods, iPhones, chat rooms, blogs, digital cameras, DVD’s, cell phone ring tones, etc†¦

Effect of Social Networks on Teaching Methods

Effect of Social Networks on Teaching Methods ABSTRACT Background. Research on social networks in schools is increasing rapidly. Network studies outside education have indicated that the structure of social networks is partly affected by demographic characteristics of network members. Yet, knowledge on how teacher social networks are shaped by teacher and school demographics is scarce. Purpose. The goal of this study was to examine the extent to which teachers work related social networks are affected by teacher and school demographic characteristics. Method. Survey data were collected among 316 educators from 13 elementary schools in a large educational system in the Netherlands. Using social network analysis, in particular multilevel p2 modeling, we analyzed the effect of teacher and school demographics on individual teachers probability of having relationships in a work discussion network. Conclusions. Findings indicate that differences in having relationships were associated with differences in gender, grade level, working hours, formal position, and experience. We also found that educators tend to prefer relationships with educators with the same gender and from the same grade level. Moreover, years of shared experience as a school team appeared to affect the likelihood of teacher relationships around work related discussion. INTRODUCTION Relationships among educators are more and more regarded as an important element to schools functioning, and a potential source of school improvement. Educational practitioners and scholars around the world are targeting teacher interaction as a way to facilitate knowledge exchange and shared teacher practice through a variety of collaborative initiatives, such as communities of practice, professional learning communities, and social networks (Daly Finnigan, 2009; Hord, 1997; Lieberman McLaughlin, 1992; Wenger, 1998). The growing literature base around these concepts suggests that relationships matter for fostering a climate of trust and a safe and open environment to implement reform and engage in innovative teacher practices (Bryk Schneider, 2002; Louis, Marks, Kruse, 1996; Coburn Russell, 2008; Penuel, Fishman, Yamaguchi, Galagher, 2007). Social network literature asserts that relationships matter because the configuration of social relationships offers opportunities and constraints for collective action (Burt, 1983, Coleman, 1990; Granovetter, 1973; Lochner, Kawachi, Kennedy, 1999). For instance, the extent to which an organizational network supports the rate and ease with which knowledge and information flows through the organization may provide it with an advantage over its competitors (Nahapiet Ghoshal, 1998; Tsai, 2001). While social network studies have mainly concentrated on the consequences of social networks for individuals and groups, less attention has been paid to how social networks are conditioned upon individual characteristics and behavior (Borgatti Foster, 2003). A developing set of studies in organizational literature is focusing on how attributes of individuals such as personality traits affect their social network (e.g., Burt, Janotta Mahoney, 1998; Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 2001; Madhavan, Caner , Prescott, Koka, 2008), how individuals select others to engage in relationships (Kossinets Watts, 2006; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001), and how organizations enter into alliances with other organizations (Gulati Gargiulo, 1999). These studies offer valuable insights in potential individual and organizational attributes that may affect the pattern of social relationships in school teams. Attributes that are especially worth investigating for their potential to shape the social structure of school teams are demographic characteristics (cf. Ely, 1995; Tsui, Egan, OReilly, 1992). Demographic characteristics are more or less constant elements that typify teachers, their relationships, and schools based on socio-economic factors such as age, gender, teaching experience, and school team composition. Several network studies have suggested that networks are at least in part shaped by demographic characteristics of individuals, their dyadic relationships, and the network (Brass, 1984; Heyl, 1996; Ibarra 1992, 1995; Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). For instance, several studies reported that relationships among individuals with the same gender are more likely than relationships among individuals with opposite gender (a so-called homophily effect) (Baerveldt, Van Duijn, Vermeij, Van Hemert, 2004; McPherson, Smith-Lovin Co ok, 2001). These studies, however, seldom purposely aim to examine the impact of demographic characteristics on social networks and consequently only include few demographic variables of network members. Insights in the extent to which social relationships are formed in the light of multiple individual and organizational demographic characteristics are limited, and even more so in the context of education. We argue that such groundwork knowledge is crucial for all those who aim to optimize social networks in support of school improvement and, ultimately, student achievement. This chapter aims to examine the extent to which social networks in school teams are shaped by individual, dyadic, and school level demographic variables, such as teachers gender and age, school team composition and team experience, and students socio-economic status. We conducted a study among 316 educators in 13 Dutch elementary schools. Results of this study were expected to increase insights in the constant social forces that may partly define teachers relationships in their school teams, and discover potential tendencies around, for example, homophily and structural balance. Based on a literature review of social network studies that include demographic variables in a wide range of settings, we pose several hypotheses on the extent to which demographical variables at the individual, dyadic, and school level may affect teachers social networks. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Individual level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Social network literature has suggested various individual demographic characteristics to affect their pattern of relationships, and as such social networks as a whole (Heyl, 1996; Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). Following these suggestions, we will first review how individual level demographic characteristics may affect teachers social networks. We focus on the individual demographics gender, formal position, working hours, experience at school, age, and grade level for their potential influence on teachers patterns of social relationships and school teams social network structure. Gender. The likelihood of having relationships in a network may be associated with gender (Metz Tharenou, 2001; Moore, 1990; Stoloff et al., 1999; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). Previous research has indicated that gender affects network formation (Burt et al., 1998; Hughes, 1946; Ibarra, 1993, 1995, Moore, 1990; Pugliesi, 1998; Van Emmerik, 2006) and that, in general, women tend to have more relationships than men (Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 1998). These differences are already found in childhood (Frydenberg Lewis, 1993) and continue to exist through life (Parker de Vries, 1993; Van der Pompe De Heus, 1993). In various settings and cultures, both men and women were found to use men as network routes to achieve their goals and acquire information from more distant domains (Aldrich et al., 1989; Bernard et al., 1988). Following these findings, we hypothesize that male teachers will have a higher likelihood of receiving more relationships than female tea chers, and women will send more relationships than men (Hypothesis 1a). Formal position. Previous research in organizations (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Moore, 1990) and education (Coburn, 2005; Coburn Russell, 2008; Daly Finnigan, 2009; Heyl, 1996) suggests that the formal position of individuals may be related to their relational activity and popularity. For instance, Lazega Van Duijn (1997) found that lawyers were more often sought out for advice when they held a higher hierarchical position. Research has indicated that the network position of an organizational leader is important in terms of access and leveraging social resources through social relationships as well as brokering between teachers that are themselves unconnected (Balkundi Harrison, 2006; Balkundi Kilduff, 2005). In line with these studies, we expect that principals will be more sought out for work related discussions than teachers. We also expect that principals will report to be involved in more relationships than teachers, since they depend on these relationships to gather informat ion and convey knowledge, plans, and expertise to support student learning and monitor the functioning of teachers and the school. Moreover, principals are reported to occupy a strategic position in the flow of information between the district office and teachers and relay important policy and organizational information from the district office to the teachers (Coburn, 2005; Coburn Russell, 2008). Therefore, we hypothesize that principals have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving relationships (Hypothesis 1b). Working hours. In addition, the number of working hours that an educator spends at the school may also affect his/her opportunity to initiate and maintain social relationships. Recent research suggests that the relationship between network embeddedness and job performance is related to working hours (Van Emmerik Sanders, 2004). In line with this finding, it is hypothesized that educators who work full time will have a higher probability of sending and receiving relationships than educators with part time working hours (Hypothesis 1c). Experience at the school. Another demographic characteristic that may affect an individuals pattern of relationships is seniority, or experience at the school. The previously mentioned law study (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997) indicated that senior lawyers had a higher probability of being sought out for advice than junior lawyers. Besides having more work experience, a perceived network advantage of senior lawyers may be that they have built more strong, durable, and reliable relationships over time, and therefore have access to resources that are unattainable for more junior lawyers. Accordingly, we hypothesize that educators who have more experience in their school team have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving work discussion relationships than educators who have less experience in the school team (Hypothesis 1d). Age. Network research in other contexts found age differences in relation to the amount of relationships that individuals maintain (Cairns, Leung, Buchanan, Cairns, 1995; Gottlieb Green, 1984). In general, these studies suggest that the amount of relationships that people maintain tend to decrease with age. However, with increased age, experience at the school also increases together with the amount of relationships based on seniority (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997). In concordance with the latter, we hypothesize that age will positively affect the probability of work related ties, meaning that older teachers are more likely to send and receive work related relationships than younger teachers (Hypothesis 1e) Grade Level. Within schools, formal clustering around grade level may affect the pattern of relationships among educators. The grade level may to a certain extent affect the amount of interaction among educators since grade level teams may have additional grade level meetings and professional development initiatives are often targeted at the grade level (Daly et al., in press; McLaughlin Talbert, 1993; Newmann, Kings, Youngs, 2000; Newmann Wehlage, 1995; Wood, 2007; Stoll Louis, 2007). Dutch elementary schools are relatively small compared to U.S. elementary schools, and are often divided into a grade level team for the lower grades (K 2) and a grade level team for the upper grades (3 6). The amount of relationships that teachers have, may partly be defined by the requirements of and opportunities provided by their grade level team. We may expect that teachers that teach upper grade levels send and receive more relationships than teachers that teach lower grade levels because o f the increasingly diverse and demanding curriculum in the upper grades combined with intensified student testing and preparation for education after elementary school. These conditions may require more work related discussion of upper grade level teachers than of lower grade level teachers. As such, we expect that teachers that teach upper grade levels have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving relationships than teachers that teach lower grade levels (Hypothesis 1f). Dyadic level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Dyadic level demographics are demographics that typify the relationship between two individuals. Dyadic level effects give insights in network homophily. Network homophily is arguably the most well-known social network concept that often explicitly focuses on demographic characteristics of network members. The concept of homophily, also known by the adage birds of a feather flock together, addresses similarity between two individuals in a dyadic (paired) relationship. Homophily literature builds on the notion that individuals are more likely to develop and maintain social relationships with others that are similar to them on specific attributes, such as gender, organizational unit, or educational level (Marsden, 1988; McPherson Smith-Lovin, 1987; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001). Similarly, individuals who differ from each other on a specific attribute are less likely to initiate relationships, and when they do, heterophilous relationships also tend to dissolve at a faster pace than homophilous relationships (McPherson et al., 2001). Homophily effects result from processes of social selection and social influence. Social selection refers to the idea that individuals tend to choose to interact with individuals that are similar to them in characteristics such as behavior and attitudes. At the same time, individuals that interact with each other influence each others behavior and attitudes, which may increase their similarity (McPherson et al., 2001). This is a process of social influence. In addition, individuals who share a relationship also tend to share similar experiences through their relationship (Feld, 1981). Homophily is related to the concept of structural balance. In the footsteps of cognitive balance theory, structural balance theory poses that individuals will undertake action to avoid or decrease an unbalanced network (Heider, 1958). Over time, people tend to seek balance in their network by initiating new strong relationships with friends of friends and terminate relationships with friends of enemies or enemies of friends (Wasserman Faust, 1997). As a result from this tendency towards structural balance, relatively homogenous and strong cliques may be formed that give the network some stability over time (Kossinets Watts, 2006). Structural balance and network homophily may have also have a negative influence on individuals social networks as the resulting network homogeneity and pattern of redundant relationships may limit their access to valuable information and expertise (Little, 1990; Burt, 1997, 2000). In this study we focus on two types of similarity that may define teachers relationships, namely gender similarity and grade level similarity. Gender similarity. A dyadic attribute that may affect teachers patterns of social relationships is the gender similarity between two teachers. Several studies have shown that work and voluntary organizations are often highly gender segregated (Bielby Baron, 1986, McGuire, 2000; McPherson Smith-Lovin, 1986, 1987; Popielarz, 1999; Van Emmerik, 2006). This gender homophily effect already starts at a young age (Hartup, 1993; Cairns Cairns, 1994; Furman Burmester, 1992). In the context of education, Heyl (1996) suggested an effect of gender homophily on interactional patterns among teachers, indicating that for men and women relationships with the opposite gender are less frequent or intense than relationships among men or relationship among women. In line with this suggestion, we hypothesize a homophily effect for gender, meaning that educators will prefer same-gender relationships over relationships with teachers of the opposite gender (Hypothesis 2a). Grade level similarity. Another dyadic attribute that may shape the pattern of teachers relationships is the grade level. In the Netherlands, schools are relatively small compared to the Unitesd States, with often only one full time or two part time teachers per grade level. Commonly, Dutch school teams are formally divided into two grade level levels representing the lower (onderbouw, often K-2 or K-3) and upper grades (bovenbouw, often grades 3-6 or 4-6), which are often located in close physical proximity. Recent research suggests that teachers who are located closely to each another are more likely to interact with each other than with teachers that are less physically proximate (Coburn Russell, 2008). Moreover, most schools have separate breaks for the lower and upper grades, and some schools hold additional formal meetings for the lower/upper grades to discuss issues related to these grades. Since shared experiences are argued to result in greater support among individuals (Fe ld, 1981; Suitor Pillemer, 2000; Suitor, Pillemer, Keeton, 1995), these organizational features will increase the opportunity for teachers from the same grade level to interact relative to teachers from a different grade level. Therefore, we hypothesize a homophily effect for grade level, meaning that teachers will more likely maintain relationships with teachers from their own grade level than with teachers that teach the other grade level (e.g., lower or upper level) (Hypothesis 2b). School level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Although teachers can often choose with whom they interact, the social structure of their schools network is partly outside their span of control (Burt, 1983; Brass Burkhardt, 1993; Gulati, 1995). Just as individual relationships may constrain or support a teachers access to and use of resources (Degenne Forse, 1999), the social structure surrounding the teacher may influence the extent to which teachers may shape their network so as to expect the greatest return on investment (Burt, 1992; Flap De Graaf, 1989; Ibarra, 1992, 1993, 1995; Lin Dumin, 1986; Little, 1990). Because of the embeddedness and interdependency of individuals in their social network, relationships and attributes at a higher level will affect lower-level relationships (Burt, 2000). As such, demographic characteristics at the school level may affect teachers patterns of relationships. We pose that the following school level demographic characteristics affect teachers pattern of social relationships: gender ratio , average age, school team experience, school size, school team size, and socio-economic status of the schools students. Gender ratio and average age. Above and beyond the influence of individual demographics on the tendency to form relationships, there may be aggregates of these individual demographics at the level of the school team that may affect teachers tendency to form and maintain relationships. Research in a law firm demonstrated that above the influence of individual level seniority, a lawyers position in the firms network was in part dependent on the ratio of juniors to seniors in the team (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997). For school teams, a compositional characteristic that may affect patterns of relationships is gender ratio, or the ratio of the number of female to male teachers. In a school team with a high ratio of female teachers (which is not unusual in Dutch elementary education) male teachers have fewer options for homophily friendships with same-sex peers than women. Therefore, male teachers in such a team may have a lower tendency to maintain relationships in general and a higher propens ity towards relationships with women than men in school teams with relatively more male teachers. Research confirms that the gender composition of a team may significantly affect gender homophily, with the minority gender often having much more heterophilous networks than the majority (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001). Therefore, we expect that the gender ratio of the school team will shape teachers social networks. In line with previous empirical work suggesting that women tend to have more relationships than men (Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 1998), we expect that teachers in school teams with a high female ratio will have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving ties than individuals in teams with relatively more male teachers (Hypothesis 3a). Along the same lines, if we expect that age will increase the likelihood of sending and receiving relationships, then increased average age of a school team may also enhance the probability of relationships. Therefore, we hypothesize that average age is positively related to the probability of ties (Hypothesis 3b). Team experience, school size, and team size. Prior research has indicated that individuals are more likely to reach out to others with whom they had previous relationships (Coburn Russell, 2008). Given the time and shared experiences that are necessary for building relationships, we may assume that the number of years that a school team has been functioning in its current configuration, without members leaving or joining the team, may affect teachers lilelihood of maintaining relationships. Therefore we include school team experience as a school level demographic that may positively affect teachers patterns of relationships (Hypothesis 3c). Other school demographics that may affect teachers inclinations to form relationships are school size (number of students) and team size (number of educators). Previous literature has suggested that the size of organizations and networks is directly related to the pattern of social relationships in organizations (Tsai, 2001). In general, the amou nt of individual relationships and the density of social networks decrease when network size increases. As such, we may expect a lower probability of relationships in schools that serve more students (Hypothesis 3d) and schools with larger school teams (Hypothesis 3e). Students socio-economic status. Social networks can be shaped by both endogenous and exogenous forces (Gulati, Nohria, Zaheer, 2000). An exogenous force to the school team that has been demonstrated to affect schools functioning is the socio-economic status (SES) of its students (Sirin, 2005; White, 1982). We argue that the socio-economic status of the children attending the school may influence the probability that teachers will form relationships. For instance, teachers perceptions of the urgency for communication and innovation may be dependent on the community surrounding the school. Typically, schools that serve more high-needs communities are associated with greater urgency in developing new approaches (Sunderman, Kim Orfield, 2005), which may relate to an increased probability of relationships among educators. Therefore, we hypothesize that teachers in low SES schools will have a higher probability of having relationships than teachers in high SES schools (Hypothesis 3f). METHOD Context The study took place at 13 elementary schools in south of The Netherlands. The schools were part of single district that provided IT, financial, and administrative support to 53 schools in the south of The Netherlands. At the time of the study, the district had just initiated a program for teacher development that involved a benchmark survey for the monitoring of school improvement. We selected a subsample of all the district schools based on a team size of 20 or more team members, since trial runs of the p2 estimation models encountered difficulties converging with smaller network sizes and more schools. The original sample consisted of 53 schools that, with the exception of school team and number of students, did not differ considerably from the 13 sample schools with regard to the described demographics. The context of Dutch elementary schools was beneficial to the study in three ways. First, the school teams were relatively small, which facilitated the collection of whole network data. Second, school teams are social networks with clear boundaries, meaning the distinction of who is part of the team is unambiguous for both researchers and respondents. Third, in contrast to many organizations, school organizations are characterized by relatively flat organizational structures, in which educators perform similar tasks and job diversification is relatively small. Often, educators have had similar training backgrounds, and are receiving school wide professional development as a team. Therefore, despite natural differences in individual characteristics, teachers in Dutch elementary school teams are arguably more comparable among each other than organizational employees in many other organizations, making demographic characteristics possibly less related to differences in tasks or task-rel ated status differences. Sample The sample schools served a student population ranging from 287 to 545 students in the age of 4 to 13. We collected social network data from 13 principals and 303 teachers, reflecting a response rate of 94.5 %. Of the sample, 69.9 % was female and 54.8 % worked full time (32 hours or more). Educators age ranged from 21 to 62 years (M = 46.5, sd = 9.9 years). Additional demographic information is depicted in Table 1 and 2. Instruments Social networks. We assessed the influence of demographic variables on a network that was aimed at capturing work related communication among educators. The network of discussing work related matters was selected because it is assumed to be an important network for the exchange of work related information, knowledge, and expertise that may affect individual and group performance (Sparrowe, Liden, Wayne, Kraimer, 2001). Moreover, according to the previous analysis into network multiplexity (see Chapter 1), this network appeared to be an instrumental network with relatively small overlap with expressive networks. We asked respondents the following question: Whom do you turn to in order to discuss your work? A school-specific appendix was attached to the questionnaire comprising the names of the school team members, accompanied by a letter combination for each school team member (e.g., Ms. Yolanda Brown = AB). The question could be answered by indicating a letter combination for each colleague who the respondent considered part of his/her work discussion network. The number of colleagues a respondent could indicate as part of his/her network was unlimited. Individual, dyadic, and school level attributes. We collected demographic variables to assess how individual, dyadic, and school level attributes shape the pattern of social relationships among educators. At the individual level, we examined the following individual attributes: gender, formal position (teacher/principal), working hours (part time/full time), number of years experience at school, age, and whether a teacher was teaching in lower grade or upper grade. At the dyadic level, we included similarity of gender and similarity of grade level (lower/upper grade). At the school level, we investigated school size, team size, gender ratio, average age, years of team experience in current formation, and students socio-economic status (SES). Data analysis Testing the hypotheses Since our dependent variable consisted of social network data that are by nature interdependent (relationships among individuals), the assumption of data independence that underlies conventional regression models is violated. Therefore, we employed multilevel p2 models to investigate the effect of individual, dyadic, and school level demographics on having work-related relationships (Van Duijn et al., 2004; Baerveldt et al., 2004; Zijlstra, 2008). The p2 model is similar to a logistic regression model, but is developed to handle dichotomous dyadic outcomes. In contrast to a univariate logistic regression model, the p2 model controls for the interdependency that resides in social network data. The model focuses on the individual as the unit of analysis. The p2 model regards sender and receiver effects as latent (i.e., unobserved) random variables that can be explained by sender and receiver characteristics (Veenstra, et al., 2007). In the multilevel p2 analyses, the dependent variable is the aggregate of all the nominations a team member sent to or received from others. A positive effect thus indicates that the independent demographic variable has a positive effect on the probability of a relationship. We used the p2 program within the StOCNET software suite to run the p2 models (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Van Duijn, Snijders, Zijlstra, 2004). This software has been recently modified to fit multilevel data (Zijlstra, 2008; Zijlstra, Van Duijn, Snijders, 2006). We make use of this recent development by calculating multilevel p2 models for our data. The social network data in this study have a three-level structure. Network data were collected from 13 schools (Level 3) with 316 educators (Level 2) and 11.241 dyadic relationships (Level 1). To examine the influence of individual, dyadic, and school level demographics on the likelihood of having work related relationships we constructed two multilevel models. In the first multilevel model, the effects of individual and dyadic level demographics on the possibility of having relationships were examined. In the second multilevel model, school level demographic variables were added to the model in order to explain the additional effect of school level demographics on the possibility of having relationships, above and beyond the effects of individual and dyadic level demographics. For the multilevel p2 models, we used a subsample of the 13 schools with a team size of 20 educators or more. We selected this subsample of 13 schools from a larger sample of 53 schools to reduce computing ti me and to examine schools that were more comparable in network size. Still, each model estimation took about six hours of computing time. How to interpret p2 estimates In general, effects in p2 models can be interpreted in the following manner. Results on the variables of interest include both sender effects and receiver effects, meaning effects that signify the probability of sending or receiving a relationship nomination. A positively significant parameter estimate can be interpreted as the demographic variable having a positive effect on the probability of a relationship (Veenstra et al., 2007). For instance, a positive sender effect of formal position with dummy coding (teacher/principal) means that the position with the upper dummy code (principal) will have a higher probability of sending relationships than the position with the lower dummy code (teacher). To assess homophily effects, dyadic matrices were constructed based on the absolute difference between two respondents. For example, the dyadic relationship between male and female educators would be coded as a relationship between educators with a different gender because the absolute difference between male (dummy variable = 0) and female (dummy code = 1) is 1. Smaller numbers thus represent greater interpersonal similarity in gender. The same procedure was carried out for grade level differences. To facilitate the interpretation of the models, we labeled the dyadic parameters different gender and different grade level. A negative parameter estimate for different gender would thus indicate that a Effect of Social Networks on Teaching Methods Effect of Social Networks on Teaching Methods ABSTRACT Background. Research on social networks in schools is increasing rapidly. Network studies outside education have indicated that the structure of social networks is partly affected by demographic characteristics of network members. Yet, knowledge on how teacher social networks are shaped by teacher and school demographics is scarce. Purpose. The goal of this study was to examine the extent to which teachers work related social networks are affected by teacher and school demographic characteristics. Method. Survey data were collected among 316 educators from 13 elementary schools in a large educational system in the Netherlands. Using social network analysis, in particular multilevel p2 modeling, we analyzed the effect of teacher and school demographics on individual teachers probability of having relationships in a work discussion network. Conclusions. Findings indicate that differences in having relationships were associated with differences in gender, grade level, working hours, formal position, and experience. We also found that educators tend to prefer relationships with educators with the same gender and from the same grade level. Moreover, years of shared experience as a school team appeared to affect the likelihood of teacher relationships around work related discussion. INTRODUCTION Relationships among educators are more and more regarded as an important element to schools functioning, and a potential source of school improvement. Educational practitioners and scholars around the world are targeting teacher interaction as a way to facilitate knowledge exchange and shared teacher practice through a variety of collaborative initiatives, such as communities of practice, professional learning communities, and social networks (Daly Finnigan, 2009; Hord, 1997; Lieberman McLaughlin, 1992; Wenger, 1998). The growing literature base around these concepts suggests that relationships matter for fostering a climate of trust and a safe and open environment to implement reform and engage in innovative teacher practices (Bryk Schneider, 2002; Louis, Marks, Kruse, 1996; Coburn Russell, 2008; Penuel, Fishman, Yamaguchi, Galagher, 2007). Social network literature asserts that relationships matter because the configuration of social relationships offers opportunities and constraints for collective action (Burt, 1983, Coleman, 1990; Granovetter, 1973; Lochner, Kawachi, Kennedy, 1999). For instance, the extent to which an organizational network supports the rate and ease with which knowledge and information flows through the organization may provide it with an advantage over its competitors (Nahapiet Ghoshal, 1998; Tsai, 2001). While social network studies have mainly concentrated on the consequences of social networks for individuals and groups, less attention has been paid to how social networks are conditioned upon individual characteristics and behavior (Borgatti Foster, 2003). A developing set of studies in organizational literature is focusing on how attributes of individuals such as personality traits affect their social network (e.g., Burt, Janotta Mahoney, 1998; Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 2001; Madhavan, Caner , Prescott, Koka, 2008), how individuals select others to engage in relationships (Kossinets Watts, 2006; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001), and how organizations enter into alliances with other organizations (Gulati Gargiulo, 1999). These studies offer valuable insights in potential individual and organizational attributes that may affect the pattern of social relationships in school teams. Attributes that are especially worth investigating for their potential to shape the social structure of school teams are demographic characteristics (cf. Ely, 1995; Tsui, Egan, OReilly, 1992). Demographic characteristics are more or less constant elements that typify teachers, their relationships, and schools based on socio-economic factors such as age, gender, teaching experience, and school team composition. Several network studies have suggested that networks are at least in part shaped by demographic characteristics of individuals, their dyadic relationships, and the network (Brass, 1984; Heyl, 1996; Ibarra 1992, 1995; Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). For instance, several studies reported that relationships among individuals with the same gender are more likely than relationships among individuals with opposite gender (a so-called homophily effect) (Baerveldt, Van Duijn, Vermeij, Van Hemert, 2004; McPherson, Smith-Lovin Co ok, 2001). These studies, however, seldom purposely aim to examine the impact of demographic characteristics on social networks and consequently only include few demographic variables of network members. Insights in the extent to which social relationships are formed in the light of multiple individual and organizational demographic characteristics are limited, and even more so in the context of education. We argue that such groundwork knowledge is crucial for all those who aim to optimize social networks in support of school improvement and, ultimately, student achievement. This chapter aims to examine the extent to which social networks in school teams are shaped by individual, dyadic, and school level demographic variables, such as teachers gender and age, school team composition and team experience, and students socio-economic status. We conducted a study among 316 educators in 13 Dutch elementary schools. Results of this study were expected to increase insights in the constant social forces that may partly define teachers relationships in their school teams, and discover potential tendencies around, for example, homophily and structural balance. Based on a literature review of social network studies that include demographic variables in a wide range of settings, we pose several hypotheses on the extent to which demographical variables at the individual, dyadic, and school level may affect teachers social networks. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Individual level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Social network literature has suggested various individual demographic characteristics to affect their pattern of relationships, and as such social networks as a whole (Heyl, 1996; Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). Following these suggestions, we will first review how individual level demographic characteristics may affect teachers social networks. We focus on the individual demographics gender, formal position, working hours, experience at school, age, and grade level for their potential influence on teachers patterns of social relationships and school teams social network structure. Gender. The likelihood of having relationships in a network may be associated with gender (Metz Tharenou, 2001; Moore, 1990; Stoloff et al., 1999; Veenstra et al., 2007; Zijlstra, Veenstra, Van Duijn, 2008). Previous research has indicated that gender affects network formation (Burt et al., 1998; Hughes, 1946; Ibarra, 1993, 1995, Moore, 1990; Pugliesi, 1998; Van Emmerik, 2006) and that, in general, women tend to have more relationships than men (Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 1998). These differences are already found in childhood (Frydenberg Lewis, 1993) and continue to exist through life (Parker de Vries, 1993; Van der Pompe De Heus, 1993). In various settings and cultures, both men and women were found to use men as network routes to achieve their goals and acquire information from more distant domains (Aldrich et al., 1989; Bernard et al., 1988). Following these findings, we hypothesize that male teachers will have a higher likelihood of receiving more relationships than female tea chers, and women will send more relationships than men (Hypothesis 1a). Formal position. Previous research in organizations (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Moore, 1990) and education (Coburn, 2005; Coburn Russell, 2008; Daly Finnigan, 2009; Heyl, 1996) suggests that the formal position of individuals may be related to their relational activity and popularity. For instance, Lazega Van Duijn (1997) found that lawyers were more often sought out for advice when they held a higher hierarchical position. Research has indicated that the network position of an organizational leader is important in terms of access and leveraging social resources through social relationships as well as brokering between teachers that are themselves unconnected (Balkundi Harrison, 2006; Balkundi Kilduff, 2005). In line with these studies, we expect that principals will be more sought out for work related discussions than teachers. We also expect that principals will report to be involved in more relationships than teachers, since they depend on these relationships to gather informat ion and convey knowledge, plans, and expertise to support student learning and monitor the functioning of teachers and the school. Moreover, principals are reported to occupy a strategic position in the flow of information between the district office and teachers and relay important policy and organizational information from the district office to the teachers (Coburn, 2005; Coburn Russell, 2008). Therefore, we hypothesize that principals have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving relationships (Hypothesis 1b). Working hours. In addition, the number of working hours that an educator spends at the school may also affect his/her opportunity to initiate and maintain social relationships. Recent research suggests that the relationship between network embeddedness and job performance is related to working hours (Van Emmerik Sanders, 2004). In line with this finding, it is hypothesized that educators who work full time will have a higher probability of sending and receiving relationships than educators with part time working hours (Hypothesis 1c). Experience at the school. Another demographic characteristic that may affect an individuals pattern of relationships is seniority, or experience at the school. The previously mentioned law study (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997) indicated that senior lawyers had a higher probability of being sought out for advice than junior lawyers. Besides having more work experience, a perceived network advantage of senior lawyers may be that they have built more strong, durable, and reliable relationships over time, and therefore have access to resources that are unattainable for more junior lawyers. Accordingly, we hypothesize that educators who have more experience in their school team have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving work discussion relationships than educators who have less experience in the school team (Hypothesis 1d). Age. Network research in other contexts found age differences in relation to the amount of relationships that individuals maintain (Cairns, Leung, Buchanan, Cairns, 1995; Gottlieb Green, 1984). In general, these studies suggest that the amount of relationships that people maintain tend to decrease with age. However, with increased age, experience at the school also increases together with the amount of relationships based on seniority (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997). In concordance with the latter, we hypothesize that age will positively affect the probability of work related ties, meaning that older teachers are more likely to send and receive work related relationships than younger teachers (Hypothesis 1e) Grade Level. Within schools, formal clustering around grade level may affect the pattern of relationships among educators. The grade level may to a certain extent affect the amount of interaction among educators since grade level teams may have additional grade level meetings and professional development initiatives are often targeted at the grade level (Daly et al., in press; McLaughlin Talbert, 1993; Newmann, Kings, Youngs, 2000; Newmann Wehlage, 1995; Wood, 2007; Stoll Louis, 2007). Dutch elementary schools are relatively small compared to U.S. elementary schools, and are often divided into a grade level team for the lower grades (K 2) and a grade level team for the upper grades (3 6). The amount of relationships that teachers have, may partly be defined by the requirements of and opportunities provided by their grade level team. We may expect that teachers that teach upper grade levels send and receive more relationships than teachers that teach lower grade levels because o f the increasingly diverse and demanding curriculum in the upper grades combined with intensified student testing and preparation for education after elementary school. These conditions may require more work related discussion of upper grade level teachers than of lower grade level teachers. As such, we expect that teachers that teach upper grade levels have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving relationships than teachers that teach lower grade levels (Hypothesis 1f). Dyadic level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Dyadic level demographics are demographics that typify the relationship between two individuals. Dyadic level effects give insights in network homophily. Network homophily is arguably the most well-known social network concept that often explicitly focuses on demographic characteristics of network members. The concept of homophily, also known by the adage birds of a feather flock together, addresses similarity between two individuals in a dyadic (paired) relationship. Homophily literature builds on the notion that individuals are more likely to develop and maintain social relationships with others that are similar to them on specific attributes, such as gender, organizational unit, or educational level (Marsden, 1988; McPherson Smith-Lovin, 1987; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001). Similarly, individuals who differ from each other on a specific attribute are less likely to initiate relationships, and when they do, heterophilous relationships also tend to dissolve at a faster pace than homophilous relationships (McPherson et al., 2001). Homophily effects result from processes of social selection and social influence. Social selection refers to the idea that individuals tend to choose to interact with individuals that are similar to them in characteristics such as behavior and attitudes. At the same time, individuals that interact with each other influence each others behavior and attitudes, which may increase their similarity (McPherson et al., 2001). This is a process of social influence. In addition, individuals who share a relationship also tend to share similar experiences through their relationship (Feld, 1981). Homophily is related to the concept of structural balance. In the footsteps of cognitive balance theory, structural balance theory poses that individuals will undertake action to avoid or decrease an unbalanced network (Heider, 1958). Over time, people tend to seek balance in their network by initiating new strong relationships with friends of friends and terminate relationships with friends of enemies or enemies of friends (Wasserman Faust, 1997). As a result from this tendency towards structural balance, relatively homogenous and strong cliques may be formed that give the network some stability over time (Kossinets Watts, 2006). Structural balance and network homophily may have also have a negative influence on individuals social networks as the resulting network homogeneity and pattern of redundant relationships may limit their access to valuable information and expertise (Little, 1990; Burt, 1997, 2000). In this study we focus on two types of similarity that may define teachers relationships, namely gender similarity and grade level similarity. Gender similarity. A dyadic attribute that may affect teachers patterns of social relationships is the gender similarity between two teachers. Several studies have shown that work and voluntary organizations are often highly gender segregated (Bielby Baron, 1986, McGuire, 2000; McPherson Smith-Lovin, 1986, 1987; Popielarz, 1999; Van Emmerik, 2006). This gender homophily effect already starts at a young age (Hartup, 1993; Cairns Cairns, 1994; Furman Burmester, 1992). In the context of education, Heyl (1996) suggested an effect of gender homophily on interactional patterns among teachers, indicating that for men and women relationships with the opposite gender are less frequent or intense than relationships among men or relationship among women. In line with this suggestion, we hypothesize a homophily effect for gender, meaning that educators will prefer same-gender relationships over relationships with teachers of the opposite gender (Hypothesis 2a). Grade level similarity. Another dyadic attribute that may shape the pattern of teachers relationships is the grade level. In the Netherlands, schools are relatively small compared to the Unitesd States, with often only one full time or two part time teachers per grade level. Commonly, Dutch school teams are formally divided into two grade level levels representing the lower (onderbouw, often K-2 or K-3) and upper grades (bovenbouw, often grades 3-6 or 4-6), which are often located in close physical proximity. Recent research suggests that teachers who are located closely to each another are more likely to interact with each other than with teachers that are less physically proximate (Coburn Russell, 2008). Moreover, most schools have separate breaks for the lower and upper grades, and some schools hold additional formal meetings for the lower/upper grades to discuss issues related to these grades. Since shared experiences are argued to result in greater support among individuals (Fe ld, 1981; Suitor Pillemer, 2000; Suitor, Pillemer, Keeton, 1995), these organizational features will increase the opportunity for teachers from the same grade level to interact relative to teachers from a different grade level. Therefore, we hypothesize a homophily effect for grade level, meaning that teachers will more likely maintain relationships with teachers from their own grade level than with teachers that teach the other grade level (e.g., lower or upper level) (Hypothesis 2b). School level demographics that may shape teachers social networks Although teachers can often choose with whom they interact, the social structure of their schools network is partly outside their span of control (Burt, 1983; Brass Burkhardt, 1993; Gulati, 1995). Just as individual relationships may constrain or support a teachers access to and use of resources (Degenne Forse, 1999), the social structure surrounding the teacher may influence the extent to which teachers may shape their network so as to expect the greatest return on investment (Burt, 1992; Flap De Graaf, 1989; Ibarra, 1992, 1993, 1995; Lin Dumin, 1986; Little, 1990). Because of the embeddedness and interdependency of individuals in their social network, relationships and attributes at a higher level will affect lower-level relationships (Burt, 2000). As such, demographic characteristics at the school level may affect teachers patterns of relationships. We pose that the following school level demographic characteristics affect teachers pattern of social relationships: gender ratio , average age, school team experience, school size, school team size, and socio-economic status of the schools students. Gender ratio and average age. Above and beyond the influence of individual demographics on the tendency to form relationships, there may be aggregates of these individual demographics at the level of the school team that may affect teachers tendency to form and maintain relationships. Research in a law firm demonstrated that above the influence of individual level seniority, a lawyers position in the firms network was in part dependent on the ratio of juniors to seniors in the team (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997). For school teams, a compositional characteristic that may affect patterns of relationships is gender ratio, or the ratio of the number of female to male teachers. In a school team with a high ratio of female teachers (which is not unusual in Dutch elementary education) male teachers have fewer options for homophily friendships with same-sex peers than women. Therefore, male teachers in such a team may have a lower tendency to maintain relationships in general and a higher propens ity towards relationships with women than men in school teams with relatively more male teachers. Research confirms that the gender composition of a team may significantly affect gender homophily, with the minority gender often having much more heterophilous networks than the majority (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, Cook, 2001). Therefore, we expect that the gender ratio of the school team will shape teachers social networks. In line with previous empirical work suggesting that women tend to have more relationships than men (Mehra, Kilduff, Brass, 1998), we expect that teachers in school teams with a high female ratio will have a higher likelihood of sending and receiving ties than individuals in teams with relatively more male teachers (Hypothesis 3a). Along the same lines, if we expect that age will increase the likelihood of sending and receiving relationships, then increased average age of a school team may also enhance the probability of relationships. Therefore, we hypothesize that average age is positively related to the probability of ties (Hypothesis 3b). Team experience, school size, and team size. Prior research has indicated that individuals are more likely to reach out to others with whom they had previous relationships (Coburn Russell, 2008). Given the time and shared experiences that are necessary for building relationships, we may assume that the number of years that a school team has been functioning in its current configuration, without members leaving or joining the team, may affect teachers lilelihood of maintaining relationships. Therefore we include school team experience as a school level demographic that may positively affect teachers patterns of relationships (Hypothesis 3c). Other school demographics that may affect teachers inclinations to form relationships are school size (number of students) and team size (number of educators). Previous literature has suggested that the size of organizations and networks is directly related to the pattern of social relationships in organizations (Tsai, 2001). In general, the amou nt of individual relationships and the density of social networks decrease when network size increases. As such, we may expect a lower probability of relationships in schools that serve more students (Hypothesis 3d) and schools with larger school teams (Hypothesis 3e). Students socio-economic status. Social networks can be shaped by both endogenous and exogenous forces (Gulati, Nohria, Zaheer, 2000). An exogenous force to the school team that has been demonstrated to affect schools functioning is the socio-economic status (SES) of its students (Sirin, 2005; White, 1982). We argue that the socio-economic status of the children attending the school may influence the probability that teachers will form relationships. For instance, teachers perceptions of the urgency for communication and innovation may be dependent on the community surrounding the school. Typically, schools that serve more high-needs communities are associated with greater urgency in developing new approaches (Sunderman, Kim Orfield, 2005), which may relate to an increased probability of relationships among educators. Therefore, we hypothesize that teachers in low SES schools will have a higher probability of having relationships than teachers in high SES schools (Hypothesis 3f). METHOD Context The study took place at 13 elementary schools in south of The Netherlands. The schools were part of single district that provided IT, financial, and administrative support to 53 schools in the south of The Netherlands. At the time of the study, the district had just initiated a program for teacher development that involved a benchmark survey for the monitoring of school improvement. We selected a subsample of all the district schools based on a team size of 20 or more team members, since trial runs of the p2 estimation models encountered difficulties converging with smaller network sizes and more schools. The original sample consisted of 53 schools that, with the exception of school team and number of students, did not differ considerably from the 13 sample schools with regard to the described demographics. The context of Dutch elementary schools was beneficial to the study in three ways. First, the school teams were relatively small, which facilitated the collection of whole network data. Second, school teams are social networks with clear boundaries, meaning the distinction of who is part of the team is unambiguous for both researchers and respondents. Third, in contrast to many organizations, school organizations are characterized by relatively flat organizational structures, in which educators perform similar tasks and job diversification is relatively small. Often, educators have had similar training backgrounds, and are receiving school wide professional development as a team. Therefore, despite natural differences in individual characteristics, teachers in Dutch elementary school teams are arguably more comparable among each other than organizational employees in many other organizations, making demographic characteristics possibly less related to differences in tasks or task-rel ated status differences. Sample The sample schools served a student population ranging from 287 to 545 students in the age of 4 to 13. We collected social network data from 13 principals and 303 teachers, reflecting a response rate of 94.5 %. Of the sample, 69.9 % was female and 54.8 % worked full time (32 hours or more). Educators age ranged from 21 to 62 years (M = 46.5, sd = 9.9 years). Additional demographic information is depicted in Table 1 and 2. Instruments Social networks. We assessed the influence of demographic variables on a network that was aimed at capturing work related communication among educators. The network of discussing work related matters was selected because it is assumed to be an important network for the exchange of work related information, knowledge, and expertise that may affect individual and group performance (Sparrowe, Liden, Wayne, Kraimer, 2001). Moreover, according to the previous analysis into network multiplexity (see Chapter 1), this network appeared to be an instrumental network with relatively small overlap with expressive networks. We asked respondents the following question: Whom do you turn to in order to discuss your work? A school-specific appendix was attached to the questionnaire comprising the names of the school team members, accompanied by a letter combination for each school team member (e.g., Ms. Yolanda Brown = AB). The question could be answered by indicating a letter combination for each colleague who the respondent considered part of his/her work discussion network. The number of colleagues a respondent could indicate as part of his/her network was unlimited. Individual, dyadic, and school level attributes. We collected demographic variables to assess how individual, dyadic, and school level attributes shape the pattern of social relationships among educators. At the individual level, we examined the following individual attributes: gender, formal position (teacher/principal), working hours (part time/full time), number of years experience at school, age, and whether a teacher was teaching in lower grade or upper grade. At the dyadic level, we included similarity of gender and similarity of grade level (lower/upper grade). At the school level, we investigated school size, team size, gender ratio, average age, years of team experience in current formation, and students socio-economic status (SES). Data analysis Testing the hypotheses Since our dependent variable consisted of social network data that are by nature interdependent (relationships among individuals), the assumption of data independence that underlies conventional regression models is violated. Therefore, we employed multilevel p2 models to investigate the effect of individual, dyadic, and school level demographics on having work-related relationships (Van Duijn et al., 2004; Baerveldt et al., 2004; Zijlstra, 2008). The p2 model is similar to a logistic regression model, but is developed to handle dichotomous dyadic outcomes. In contrast to a univariate logistic regression model, the p2 model controls for the interdependency that resides in social network data. The model focuses on the individual as the unit of analysis. The p2 model regards sender and receiver effects as latent (i.e., unobserved) random variables that can be explained by sender and receiver characteristics (Veenstra, et al., 2007). In the multilevel p2 analyses, the dependent variable is the aggregate of all the nominations a team member sent to or received from others. A positive effect thus indicates that the independent demographic variable has a positive effect on the probability of a relationship. We used the p2 program within the StOCNET software suite to run the p2 models (Lazega Van Duijn, 1997; Van Duijn, Snijders, Zijlstra, 2004). This software has been recently modified to fit multilevel data (Zijlstra, 2008; Zijlstra, Van Duijn, Snijders, 2006). We make use of this recent development by calculating multilevel p2 models for our data. The social network data in this study have a three-level structure. Network data were collected from 13 schools (Level 3) with 316 educators (Level 2) and 11.241 dyadic relationships (Level 1). To examine the influence of individual, dyadic, and school level demographics on the likelihood of having work related relationships we constructed two multilevel models. In the first multilevel model, the effects of individual and dyadic level demographics on the possibility of having relationships were examined. In the second multilevel model, school level demographic variables were added to the model in order to explain the additional effect of school level demographics on the possibility of having relationships, above and beyond the effects of individual and dyadic level demographics. For the multilevel p2 models, we used a subsample of the 13 schools with a team size of 20 educators or more. We selected this subsample of 13 schools from a larger sample of 53 schools to reduce computing ti me and to examine schools that were more comparable in network size. Still, each model estimation took about six hours of computing time. How to interpret p2 estimates In general, effects in p2 models can be interpreted in the following manner. Results on the variables of interest include both sender effects and receiver effects, meaning effects that signify the probability of sending or receiving a relationship nomination. A positively significant parameter estimate can be interpreted as the demographic variable having a positive effect on the probability of a relationship (Veenstra et al., 2007). For instance, a positive sender effect of formal position with dummy coding (teacher/principal) means that the position with the upper dummy code (principal) will have a higher probability of sending relationships than the position with the lower dummy code (teacher). To assess homophily effects, dyadic matrices were constructed based on the absolute difference between two respondents. For example, the dyadic relationship between male and female educators would be coded as a relationship between educators with a different gender because the absolute difference between male (dummy variable = 0) and female (dummy code = 1) is 1. Smaller numbers thus represent greater interpersonal similarity in gender. The same procedure was carried out for grade level differences. To facilitate the interpretation of the models, we labeled the dyadic parameters different gender and different grade level. A negative parameter estimate for different gender would thus indicate that a

Essay on Social Commentary in Catch-22 -- Catch-22

Social Commentary in Catch-22      Ã‚  Ã‚   Life is filled with situations that are very difficult to find an escape. Even once in a while, life presents a situation that is beyond difficult, and completely impossible to escape from. These situations were expanded upon and brought to obvious light in Joseph Heller's novel, Catch-22. This novel was such a masterful work that the phrase, catch-22 came to be synonymous with the situations that Heller portrays in his novel. Set in the final months of World War II, Catch-22 tells the story of a bomber squadron on the mythical island of Pinosa, just off of Italy. The story is told through the eyes of Captain John Yossarian, one of the few sane men in the novel, who sees all of the impossible situations his squadron is placed in. "For Catch-22 is the unwritten loophole in every written law which empowers the authorities to revoke your rights whenever it suits their cruel whims; it is, in short, the principle of absolute evil in a malevolent, mechanical, and incompetent w orld. Because of Catch-22, justice is mocked, the innocent are victimized, and Yossarian's squadron is forced to fly more than double the number of missions prescribed by Air Force code" (Skreiner 1). The mops vivid examples of the paradoxes created by catch-22 come from the specific characters; Hungry Joe, Doc Daneeka, Orr, Milo Minderbinder, and Yossarian.    Probably the most peculiar paradox presented in Catch-22 is formed around a pilot named Hungry Joe. Following a common, logical train of thought, Hungry Joe wishes to finish his time in the war and return home, where his safety is guaranteed, and he is in no danger of being killed. The catch originates from a common junction of many of the catches characters ... ... that he is so quickly able to persuade us (1) that the most lunatic are the most logical, and (2) that it is our conventional standards which lack any logical consistency"(Brustein 228). Catch-22 is about coping with what life throws you, then understanding the hopelessness, and still never giving up. Catch-22 is a novel that instructs the reader to do as Heller did, leave convention behind. It is wrong, only the individual matters, because without the soul, man is garbage.    Works Cited    Brustein, Robert. "Joseph Heller". CLC. 3:228. Heller, Joseph. Catch-22. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996. Skreiner, David. "Catch-22" Downloaded from http://www.schoolsucks.com/. March 17, 1998. Kennard, Jean. "Joseph Heller". CLC. 8:278. Littlejohn, David. "Joseph Heller". CLC. 3:229. Burhans, Clinton. "Joseph Heller". CLC. 3:230.   

Comparing the Use of Light and Dark by Melville, Poe, and Hawthorne Ess

Use of Darkness and Light by Melville, Poe, and Hawthorne Melville, Poe, and Hawthorne all tend to focus on the darker side of humanity in their writings. In order to allow their readers to better understand their opinions, they often resort to using symbolism. Many times, those symbols take the form of darkness and light appearing throughout the story at appropriate times. A reader might wonder how light functions in the stories, and what it urges the reader to consider. If we look carefully at these appearances of light, or more likely the absence of it, we can gain some insight into what these "subversive romantics" consider to be the truth of humanity. Hawthorne uses this technique to its fullest; however, it is also very obvious in the stories of Poe and Melville. All of these authors have something to say about what they perceive as the breakdown of man and society - and they often clue us in by using differing degrees of light. The presence of darkness and light is probably the most apparent in Hawthorne's pieces, and "Young Goodman Brown" is an excellent example. The story starts off as Young Goodman Brown begins his trip into the forest, away from his wife, Faith. The first presence of light is in the first sentence: "Young Goodman Brown came forth at sunset ...." Now, there is light in the sun, but the significance lies in the fact that the sun is setting. The brightness in life - that is, the goodness of humanity that once existed, is now being taken over by the darkness. YGB then departs down a "dreary road, darkened by all the gloomiest trees of the forest." There is no mistaking this for anything but a symbol. YGB, representing all man, is going down a "narrow path" leading into one of the darkest and sca... ...aking of humanity): "this black conceit pervades him, through and through. You may be witched by his sunlight,--transported by the bright gildings in the skies he builds over you;--but there is the blackness of darkness beyond; and even his bright gildings but fringe, and play upon the edges of thunder-clouds." Â   Works Cited: Adler, Joyce. "Benito Cereno: Slavery and Violence in the Americas." Critical Essays in Herman Melville's Benito Cereno; Burkholder, Robert E., ed. Macmillan Publishing Co., NY, 1992. Gargano, James. "Art and Irony in William Wilson." New Approaches to Poe; Benton, Richard P., ed., 1970. Levin, Harry. The Power of Blackness. New York, 1967. Melville, Herman. "Hawthorne and His Mosses." From The Literary World, August 17 and 24, 1850. Accessed at: http://eldred.ne.mediaone.net/nh/hahm.html on May 1, 2000. Â  

Dangers of the Internet :: Internet Pornography

Surfing the Internet can truly be fun sometimes. Many times you don’t realize how long you been in there until you sign out and your server tell you that you have spent many hours surfing the net, either that or the sunshine begins to bug you. Yet there’s something that has began to bother me every time I surf the net. I feel that I just can’t trust anyone. People are using this way of communication to be free about anything .It scares me how it is so easy to create identities through the digital world of computers to surf the life of the Internet. I feel the evolution of computers is influencing our way of living and our lives. In Sherry Turkle’s article she tells us the different ways of creating games, alternate identities and lives people assume when they are "gaming" online as she calls it (456).Free speech , privacy, people sending you all kinds of stuff over the internet–porn for example I’m really tired of it! . All I know is that every time I check my Email box there are piles of messages coming up like â€Å"Are you Horny?† and many other that are so indecent to say. I feel that we are not protected from the internet. There must be a way to control these unwanted messages, because my block sender feature seems not to work. Calling Aol to change my password doesn’t either. What can we do? For me it is scary sometimes I’m not against technology at all but there must be a way that technology doesn’t take over. I always wonder how people sending pornographic web pages get our emails address, I assume that they probably steal or buy our information from Internet servers. I guess is it just like when you get junk mail from businesses that mail you advertisement from items you never inquire about. That sucks if people get their advertisement from stealing our addresses, or using â€Å"cookies† to store our information. I’m not really sure. I assume another probable way is picking at random which I think is odd because everyone I ask says that they are tired of getting unwanted messages. My cousin who’s 14 yrs. o lds gets dozens of messages a week. Not only are these kids getting messages but, they are being tricked into going to these pornographic web pages. How dangerous is that because who knows how many thousand or million children and teens are being exposed to that junk.